Stockholm Syndrome takes root in Liberia: cheering and congratulating the people causing the suffering
By Wonderr K. Freeman, Attorney, CFCS
The core paradox of contemporary Liberian politics lies in a troubling psychological reality: the victims of systemic state plunder are often the fiercest defenders of their economic captors. In political science and social psychology, Stockholm Syndrome describes a condition where hostages develop a psychological alliance with their captors as a survival strategy. When applied to the Liberian polity, this framework explains why an electorate devastated by decades of civil conflict and chronic underdevelopment consistently shields, celebrates, and re-elects politicians facing severe corruption indictments. Rather than demanding accountability, large segments of the Liberian population actively weaponize ethnic solidarity, partisan loyalty, and religious fervor to protect the very elites accused of emptying the national treasury. This is the really sad situation in present-day Liberia.
Prayer warriors showed up massively for Finda Bundoo (aka Rescue Mother)
A blurring of accountability and loyalty occurred during the legal proceedings of Nora Finda Bundoo, the former Chief of Protocol to the fantastically corrupt ex-President George Weah. Investigated by the Asset Recovery & Property Retrieval Task Force (AREPT), Bundoo was hit with an active arrest warrant for her alleged role in laundering and embezzling US$6.7 million and L$845 million through front companies. Since her return to Liberia to face the court charges, she was not met with protests or demands for restitution. Instead, Finda Bundoo has been physically escorted to her bond hearing by vocal crowds and organized groups of “Prayer Warriors.” This deployment of religious and emotional solidarity to shield a powerful elite figure from answering for missing millions reveals how deeply entrenched the Stockholm dynamic is. The very people whose lives are being destroyed by the Liberian politicians are the same ones showing up to support their oppressors.


The making and remaking of Thomas Fallah (aka Thief-5)
Perhaps the most blatant example of this political amnesia is the career transformation of Deputy Speaker Thomas Fallah. For years, Unity Party figures and ordinary citizens branded Fallah with the derogatory nickname “Thief-5,” pointing to his tenure as chair of the House’s powerful Ways, Means, and Finance Committee during the CDC administration as a period of aggressive asset looting. Yet, when Fallah strategically shifted his political allegiance to align with President Joseph Boakai’s ruling Unity Party (UP), the public narrative shifted instantly. The very citizens and politicians who had labeled him a criminal began praising him as “Saint Thomas of Foya.” This rapid political baptism proves that in Liberia, systemic corruption is easily forgiven and sanitized the moment an accused politician redirects their financial patronage or switches to the winning political faction. This celebration of an extremely corruption individual, Thief-5, shows that many Liberians have no interest in the improvement of their personal lives or in the country’s development. It’s a travesty.


The “You killed My Ma, I will vote for you” mentality continues
The behavior of contemporary Liberians has historical parallels. Recently, every warning against the potential for a disaster under the Boakai presidency was met with the response: “We agree” (aka we don’t care). This is very similar to the CDC mantra: “You know book, you don’t know book, we will vote for you”. Not surprisingly, Taylor’s regime was a disaster. Weah’s regime was clearly adjudged a kleptocracy and an unmitigated disaster. And most likely, the Boakai regime is going down as another disaster, with drug-dealing, official oppression, and state plunder as the principal causes.
During the postwar democratic elections, the Liberian electorate famously elected and celebrated former faction leaders and warlords into the national legislature and presidency. This dynamic was best exemplified by the controversial 1997 election of former rebel leader Charles Ghankay Taylor, and subsequently in the election of other prominent figures associated with the warring factions into high-ranking senatorial and leadership positions. These elections brought Liberia only more mayhem and more atrocities. But of course, like an abused spouse, Liberians never learned their lessons; they continue to vote for Taylor’s wife as their Senator, totally ignoring the carnage Charles Taylor put Liberia through. They culminated that with the voting for the same Jewel Taylor on the ticket with George Weah in 2017 as Vice President. Even today, Charles Taylor remains a deeply popular figure in Bong County, which served as his rebel headquarters during the civil war. It seems the destruction caused by Taylor had no impact on how they vote.
Accepting the UP/CDC looting of state coffers as just another day at the office
Today, Stockholm Syndrome in Liberia is exhibited by the citizens’ willingness to tolerate the highly corrupt and destructive parties (i.e. the UP and the CDC), even though both parties have shown themselves to be actively fast-tracking Liberia’s socioeconomic decline. By monopolizing the state’s resources, these two political parties create an environment where citizens are denied equal opportunity but are occasionally provided with handouts or “crumbs”. So far, Liberians seem to favor only the UP or the CDC for political leadership, even though both parties have been associated with massive corruption, drug running, human rights abuses, and a whole host of other abuses. One can only conclude that Stockholm Syndrome has taken over Liberian politics and, given the public support, it’s obvious that the joblessness, poverty, and destitution prevalent in the country will continue unabated.


Final comments
Ultimately, political Stockholm Syndrome in contemporary Liberia is sustained by the deliberate weaponization of poverty and the manipulation of institutional narratives. By maintaining a status quo where the population is economically dependent, the political class ensures that survival relies on sporadic, localized handouts rather than institutional rights. When these elites face accountability, they successfully deflect guilt by framing legal actions as partisan “witch-hunts.” Until the Liberian people break this psychological dependency and begin to view state plunder not as a partisan game, but as a direct assault on their collective future, the nation’s wealth will remain captive to the very politicians.